meeting will be held on December 18th in the private meeting room of
the Piccadilly Cafeteria, located at 11810
Dale Mabry Highway North, Tampa, Florida
(813-963-1660). Meetings begin at
but members arrive as early as
for a time of camaraderie.
This is our annual meeting with the Fort Brooke Chapter of the C.A.R.
(Children of the American Revolution). We’ve been conducting these joint
meetings for many years and always look forward to having our younger
compatriots join us. The current Florida C.A.R. President, Chris Herreid, a member of the Fort Brooke Chapter, will speak on
their state project “Save Our Seas”. In addition, John Skillman and Bob Yarnell
will facilitate an interactive discussion on the Founding Fathers. The program
and the company both promise to be wonderful and we hope you’ll join us.
Below are a
number of other items that may be of interest to you. Thanks for taking the
time to look them over.
of the chapter officers we wish each of you a blessed Christmas Season and a
prosperous New Year.
2011 Dues – Time is Running Out
We hope our current members will want to continue their membership and
support of the SAR. We also invite former members to reactivate their
membership. Dues for 2011 are
Each year we ask our members to chip in a few extra dollars for some
cause. This year any money collected will be donated to the Wounded Warriors
Program. So make your check payable to Tampa SAR for $65.00,
or perhaps a few dollars more and bring them to the December meeting. For those
of you who wish to mail in your dues please send them to
Chuck Copeland, Tampa Chapter Treasurer
11325 CarrollwoodEstates Dr.
Tampa, Florida, 33618
Thanks to all who have paid their dues already. If you haven’t done so
yet, please bring them to the December meeting or mail them to Chuck this week.
We have to submit our chapter annual report just prior to Christmas.
Recommended YouTube Videos
Bill Floyd sent along this link
to a 9 minute video telling the story of how Francis Scott Key came to write
the poem that is now our National Anthem. If you need a boost to your
patriotism, this will get the job done.
Bob Yarnell forwarded us an article that recently was sent to him from
the Colonial Williamsburg Foundation. This is an excerpt from a new book on the
Declaration of Independence – well written and worth the time to read it.
You’ll find the article at the end of this newsletter (following the November
of the November 20, 2010 meeting of the Tampa Chapter SAR
President Luke Lloyd called the meeting to order at . Bob Yarnell offered the invocation. The President
led the pledge to the flag and the pledge to the SAR.
Members present: Marty Miller, CyGamber, Paul Farley, Luke Lloyd, Bill Floyd, Chuck Copeland,
Chuck Hawley, John Sessums, Alan Bell, Ed Neugaard, Ira Ward, Milt Alexander, Gray Reece, John
Skillman, Dick Young, Robert Koehler, Robert Yarnell, and Kevin Yarnell.
The President asked the members to introduce their wives.
The minutes of the October meeting were approved.
Our Treasurer, Chuck Copeland, reported a balance of $2,498.02.
Alan Bell, the registrar reported that several supplementals are in
various stages of approval.
Under old business consideration of Officer and Director Liability
Insurance was postponed due to the absence of Terrell Sessums
and the secretary. (The latter arrived later, following the state Board of Management
meeting in Orlando.)
Vice President Yarnell gave a run down of future meetings. These can be
found on the chapter website.
John Skillman reported on the information he’d received about awards for
which members are qualified. The chapter gave him permission to purchase the
medals – an expense of approximately $130.
The nominating committee placed into nomination their candidates for the
2011 chapter officers. John Skillman moved that the slate be elected. The
motion was seconded by John Sessums and the
candidates were elected unanimously. Our 2011 officers then will be:
Robert YarnellVice President
John SessumsSergeant at arms
Allen BellHillsboroughRiver Camp, Sons of Liberty Brigade
Luke reminded the membership of a Genealogy Workshop in February.
The meeting recessed for lunch.
The President presented Gray Reece with his membership certificate.
The President introduced the Vice President who introduced our Law
Enforcement Medal recipient Corporal R Haugh.Corp. Haugh is an
18 year veteran of the Pasco County Sheriffs Department and works primarily
in training new deputies. He explained the training program to the members
and noted how all law enforcement is grounded in the US Constitution.
Following a number of questions from the members, Luke presented Deputy Haugh with the SAR Law Enforcement Medal.
Chuck Hawley won the 50/50. He donated the money to the chapter and thus
the treasury was enriched by $16.00.
The President led the recessional, Bob Yarnell gave the benediction, and
the meeting adjourned at .
We Hold These Truths To Be Self-Evident
by Paul Aron,
from his book "We Hold These Truths...and Other Words that Made
ON JUNE 7, 1776, Richard Henry
Lee, following the instructions of the Virginia Convention, introduced a
resolution at the Continental Congress in Philadelphia "that these United
colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States, that they
are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political
connection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be,
totally dissolved." The Continental Congress adopted Lee's resolution and
then appointed a committee of five—John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, Roger
Sherman, Thomas Jefferson, and Robert Livingston—to turn the resolution into a
declaration of independence. Adams took charge and promptly assigned Jefferson to write a draft.
Jefferson did not want to do it. He
watched Lee depart for home and longed to follow him. He was convinced that
what was going on in Williamsburg, where the Convention's
delegates were drafting a constitution for the newly independent commonwealth,
mattered more than what was going on in Philadelphia. Jefferson had even written a draft
constitution that he hoped the Convention would adopt. What was the point of
independence if you didn't create the right form of government? "Should a
bad government be instituted for us in the future," he wrote Thomas Nelson
in May 1776, "it had been as well to have accepted at first the bad one
offered to us from beyond the water without the risk and expense of
Jefferson suggested Adams should draft the Declaration
himself. Adams declined, giving several reasons, which he repeated years later
in his autobiography:
That he was a Virginian and I a Massachusettensian.
That he was a southern Man and I a northern one.
That I had been so obnoxious for my early and constant
zeal in promoting the measure, that any draft of mine, would undergo a
more severe scrutiny and criticism in Congress, than one of his
4thly and lastly that would be reason enough if there
were no other, I had a great opinion of the elegance of his pen and none
at all of my own.
Adams's arguments, Jefferson had to admit, made sense. Jefferson went to work and, a day or
two later, produced a draft of what would become the Declaration of
How he managed to write, in a
matter of a day or two, the words that more than any others made America has been the subject of much
debate. Part of the answer is he didn't start from scratch. He had with him in
Philadelphia, and he clearly drew from, his own previous writings, including his
1774 Summary View of the Rights of British America, his 1775
"Declaration . . . Setting forth the Causes and Necessity of their taking
up Arms," and his draft of a constitution for Virginia. He also had
others' recent works at hand, most notably a draft of Virginia's Declaration of Rights,
which was written by George Mason and adopted with amendments in the Virginia
Convention. Mason's declaration opened by stating: "That all men are born
equally free and independent, and have certain inherent natural rights, of
which they cannot, by any compact, deprive or divest their posterity; among
which are the enjoyment of life and liberty, with the means of acquiring and
possessing property, and pursuing and obtaining happiness and safety."
Jefferson's most famous words were clearly derived from Mason's; in Jefferson's
rough draft of the Declaration, men were "created equal," they had
"rights inherent and inalienable" (which he later changed to
"inherent and inalienable rights"), and these rights included
"the preservation of life, and liberty, and the pursuit of happiness"
(which he later changed to "life, liberty, and the pursuit of
Jefferson also drew from works that he
did not have at his side in Philadelphia. He was familiar with the
writings of seventeenth-century English writers, including John Milton,
Algernon Sidney, and above all John Locke, who set forth a doctrine of natural
rights in his Second Treatise on Government. He may also have drawn from
Scottish philosophers, especially Francis Hutcheson.
Jefferson submitted his draft to Adams
and Franklin, who made a few changes, among them that the rights Jefferson had
declared to be "sacred and undeniable" were instead
"self-evident." The committee then sent the document on to the
Congress, which made a total of eighty-six changes. Most involved cutting
(about a quarter of Jefferson's text was eliminated), but the Congress also played with Jefferson's language, for example
changing "inherent and inalienable rights" to "certain
inalienable rights." "Inalienable" later became
"unalienable," probably when the Declaration was printed (the latter
was more customary in the eighteenth century). Thus the words in their most
familiar form: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are
created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit
For Jefferson, seeing his words changed was
agonizing, and some others also questioned the results. Richard Henry Lee wrote
Jefferson that he wished "that the
manuscript had not been mangled as it is." Franklin, Jefferson later
recalled, "perceived that I was not insensible to these mutilations"
and tried to console him by telling him a story about a hatter who wrote what
he considered superb copy for a sign advertising his store, then watched his
friends edit it down to simply his name and a picture of a hat. Jefferson's
hat, this mangled manuscript, contained words that more than any made America;
as Jefferson himself put it in 1824, the Declaration was "the signal of
arousing men to burst the chains under which monkish ignorance and superstition
had persuaded them to bind themselves."
But—with so many sources and
so many editors—was the Declaration truly Jefferson's?
Adams, who was admittedly
jealous of Jefferson, later wrote that there was "not an idea in it, but what had
been hackneyed in Congress for two years before." Jefferson denied he had copied any
other writing: "I turned to neither book nor pamphlet while writing
it," he insisted in an 1823 letter to James Madison. Jefferson did not deny, however, that
the words of others, past and present, were on his mind. Indeed, it would
hardly have been possible to secure Congress's support for independence had Jefferson's words not been, as he put
it in an 1825 letter to Henry Lee, "an expression of the American
mind." His purpose, he explained to Lee, had been "not to find out
new principles, or new arguments, never before thought of, not merely to say things
which had never been said before; but to place before mankind the common sense
of the subject, in terms so plain and firm as to
command their assent." The Declaration's authority, Jefferson rightly added, "rests . . . on the harmonizing sentiments of the day, whether
expressed in conversation, in letters, printed essays, or the elementary books
of public right, as Aristotle, Cicero, Locke, Sidney, etc."
By the 1820s, when Jefferson rose to defend his authorship,
the Declaration was well on its way to becoming the premiere "expression
of the American mind." Partly, this was because of partisan politics. When
Jefferson emerged as the leader of the
Republican Party, his supporters began to celebrate the "deathless
instrument" penned by "the immortal Jefferson." Jefferson's opponents in the Federalist
Party argued that he wrote only a "small part of that memorable
instrument" and that what he did write "he stole from Locke's
Essays." After the Federalists faded away and a new party system emerged,
both parties claimed to be carrying on Jefferson's legacy, and both embraced
the Declaration. Jefferson happily accepted the Declaration's new role. In 1824, when
Congress sent him copies of a new facsimile edition, he expressed his pleasure
at the evident "reverence for that instrument," which he viewed as
"a pledge of adhesion to its principles and of a sacred determination to
maintain and perpetuate them."
To later generations of
Americans, the most important principle pledged in the Declaration was that of
equality. Neither the Constitution nor the Bill of Rights asserted that all men
were created equal. So it made sense that Americans seeking equality, whether
workers or women or blacks, would turn to the Declaration. At the Seneca Falls
Convention of 1848, women declared it "self-evident" that "all
men and women are created equal." Abolitionists like William Lloyd
Garrison urged, in 1847, the formation of a new government faithful to "the
principles of the Declaration of Independence." At a Fourth of July
celebration in 1852, Frederick Douglass asked the crowd: "Would you have
me argue that man is entitled to liberty? That he is the rightful owner of his
own body? You have already declared it." Most famously, in his 1863
Gettysburg Address, Abraham Lincoln looked back four score and seven years ago
to 1776, the year "our fathers brought forth on this continent a new
nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are